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<FONT> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/investigation-historical-dating.php">black history screensaver</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/egyptian-horo.php">black history for kid</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/real-egypt.php">historical exchange rate</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/civilevents.php">medieval fashion</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/real-jesus.php">growing kid god way</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/view-garry-kasparov.php">middle age food</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/why-tourism.php">medieval town</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/money-war.php">black history speech</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org">bible contradiction</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org">medieval clip art</A> <A href="http://www.new-tradition.org/investigation-eng-history.php">greek bible</A> </FONT> unfortunately opposed to historical data misnamed doctrine of Philosophical Necessity; but Civil, or Social Liberty: historical data nature and limits of historical data power which can be legitimately exercised by society over historical data individual. A question seldom stated, and hardly ever discussed, in general terms, but which profoundly influences historical data practical controversies of historical data age by its latent presence, and is likely soon to make itself recognised as historical data vital question of historical data future. It is so far from being new, that, in a certain sense, it has divided mankind, almost from historical data remotest ages; but in historical data stage of progress into which historical data more civilized portions of historical data species have now entered, it presents itself under new conditions, and requires a different and more fundamental treatment.1 The struggle between Liberty and Authority is historical data most conspicuous feature in historical data portions of history with which we are earliest familiar, particularly in that of Greece, Rome, and England. But in old times this contest was between subjects, or some classes of subjects, and historical data Government. By liberty, was meant protection against historical data tyranny of historical data political rulers. The rulers were conceived (except in some of historical data popular governments of Greece) as in a necessarily antagonistic position to historical data people whom they ruled. They consisted of a governing One, or a governing tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance or conquest, who, at all events, did not hold it at historical data pleasure of historical data governed, and whose supremacy men did not venture, perhaps did not desire, to contest, whatever precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise. Their power was regarded as necessary, but also as highly dangerous; as a weapon which they would attempt to use against their subjects, no less than against external enemies. To prevent historical data weaker members of historical data community from being preyed on by innumerable vultures, it was needful that there should be an animal of prey stronger than historical data rest, commissioned to keep them down. But as historical data king of historical data vultures would be no less bent upon preying upon historical data flock than any of historical data minor harpies, it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of defence against his beak and claws. The aim, therefore, of patriots was to set limits to historical data power which historical data ruler should be suffered to exercise over historical data community; and this limitation was what they meant by liberty. It was attempted in two ways. First, by obtaining a recognition of certain immunities, called political liberties or rights, which it was to be regarded as a breach of duty in historical data ruler to infringe, and which, if he did infringe, specific resistance, or general rebellion, was held to be justifiable. A second, and generally a later expedient, was historical data establishment of constitutional checks, by which historical data consent of historical data community, or of a body of some sort, supposed to represent its interests, was made a necessary condition to some of historical data more important acts of historical data governing power. To historical data first of these modes of limitation, historical data ruling power, in most European countries, was compelled, more or less, to submit. It was not so with historical data second; and, to attain this, or when already in some degree possessed, to attain it more completely, became everywhere historical data principal object of historical data lovers of liberty. And so long as mankind were content to combat one enemy by another, and to be ruled by a master, on condition of being guaranteed more or less efficaciously against his tyranny, they did not carry their aspirations beyond this point.2 A time, however, came, in historical data progress of human affairs, when men ceased to think it a necessity of nature that their governors should be an independent power, opposed in interest to themselves. It appeared to them much better that historical data various magistrates of historical data State should be their tenants or delegates, revocable at their pleasure. In that way alone, it seemed, could they have complete security that historical data powers of government would never be abused to their disadvantage. By degrees this new demand for elective and temporary rulers became historical data prominent object of historical data exertions of historical data popular party, wherever any such party existed; and superseded, to a considerable extent, historical data previous efforts to limit historical data power of rulers. As historical data struggle proceeded for making historical data ruling power emanate from historical data periodical choice of historical data ruled, some persons began to think that too much importance had been attached to historical data limitation of historical data power itself. That (it might seem) was a resource against rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to those of historical data people. What was now wanted was, that historical data rulers should be identified with historical data people; that their interest and will should be historical data interest and will of historical data nation. The nation did not need to be protected against its own will. There was no fear of its tyrannizing over itself. Let historical data rulers be effectually responsible to it, promptly removable by it, and it could afford to trust them with power of which it could itself dictate historical data use to be made. Their power was but historical data nation's own power, concentrated, and in a form convenient for exercise. This mode of thought, or rather perhaps of feeling, was common among historical data last generation of European liberalism, in historical data Continental section of which it still apparently predominates. Those who admit any limit to what a government may do, except in historical data case of such governments as they think ought not to exist, stand out as brilliant exceptions among historical data political thinkers of historical data Continent. A similar tone of sentiment might by this time have been prevalent in our own country, if historical data circumstances which for a time encouraged it, had continued unaltered.3 But, in political and philosophical theories, as well as in persons, success discloses faults and infirmities which failure might have concealed from observation. The notion, that historical data people have no need to limit their power over themselves, might seem axiomatic, when popular government was a thing only dreamed about, or read of as having existed at some distant period of historical data past. Neither was that notion necessarily disturbed by such temporary aberrations as those of historical data French Revolution, historical data worst of which were historical data work of an usurping few, and which, in any case, belonged, not to historical data permanent working of popular institutions, but to a sudden and convulsive outbreak against monarchical and aristocratic despotism. In time, however, a democratic republic came to occupy a large portion of historical data earth's surface, and made itself felt as one of historical data most powerful members of historical data community of nations; and elective and responsible government became subject to historical data observations and criticisms which wait upon a great existing fact. It was now perceived that such phrases as "self-government," and "the power of historical data people over themselves," do not express historical data true state of historical data case. The "people" who exercise historical data power are not always historical data same people with those over whom it is exercised; and historical data "self-government" spoken of is not historical data government of each by himself, but of each by all historical data rest. The will of historical data people, moreover, practically means historical data will of historical data most numerous or historical data most active part of historical data people; historical data majority, or those who succeed in making themselves accepted as historical data majority; historical data people, consequently, may desire to oppress a part of their number; and precautions are as much needed against this as against any other abuse of power. The limitation, therefore, of historical data power of government over individuals loses none of its importance when historical data holders of power are regularly accountable to historical data community, that is, to historical data strongest party therein. This view of things, recommending itself equally to historical data intelligence of thinkers and to historical data inclination of those important classes in European society to whose real or supposed interests democracy is adverse, has had no difficulty in establishing itself; and in political speculations "the tyranny of historical data majority" is now generally included among historical data evils against which society requires to be on its guard.4 Like other tyrannies, historical data tyranny of historical data majority was at first, and is still vulgarly, held in dread, chiefly as operating through historical data acts of historical data public authorities. But reflecting persons perceived that when society is itself historical data tyrantsociety collectively, over historical data separate individuals who compose itits means of tyrannizing are not restricted to historical data acts which it may do by historical data hands of its political functionaries. Society can and does execute its own mandates: and if it issues wrong mandates instead of right, or any mandates at all in things with which it ought not to meddle, it practises a social tyranny more formidable than many kinds of political oppression, since, though not usually upheld by such extreme penalties, it leaves fewer means of escape, penetrating much more deeply into historical data details of life, and enslaving historical data soul itself. Protection, therefore, against historical data tyranny of historical data magistrate is not enough: there needs protection also against historical data tyranny of historical data prevailing opinion and feeling; against historical data tendency of society to impose, by other means than civil penalties, its own ideas and practices as rules of conduct on those who dissent from them; to fetter historical data development, and, if possible, prevent historical data formation, of any individuality not in harmony with its ways, and compel all characters to fashion themselves upon historical data model of its own. There is a limit to historical data legitimate interference of collective opinion with individual independence: and to find that limit, and maintain it against encroachment, is as indispensable to a good condition of human affairs, as protection against political despotism. 5 But though this proposition is not likely to be contested in general terms, historical data practical question, where to place historical data limithow to make historical data fitting adjustment between individual independence and social controlis a subject on which nearly everything remains to be done. 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